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Cover Missouri Coalition;
The Expanding Coverage Initiative (ECI), a five-year investment of Missouri Foundation for Health (Foundation), aimed to dramatically increase enrollment in health insurance by supporting the implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA). The initiative's goal was to lower the state's uninsured rate from 13 percent in 2013 to five percent by employing three complementary strategies: (1) Creating awareness of the Missouri Health Insurance Marketplace and subsidies established through the ACA, (2) Assisting with enrollment of individuals, families, and small businesses in health plans through the Marketplace and Missouri's Medicaid program, and (3) Increasing health insurance literacy to help consumers understand how to make an informed choice of health plan and use it once enrolled.The Foundation sought to build and coordinate a broad-based coalition—the Cover Missouri Coalition—and provide a supportive infrastructure, including a team of technical and content experts. Its plan was to muster the collaborative capacity needed to reach individuals across the state who were most likely to be uninsured, including people of color and individuals who were low-income or unemployed. As they planned the ECI, Foundation staff anticipated that by the end of the five-year endeavor, enrollment needs under the ACA would stabilize as the law became the new normal. However, history took unexpected turns, giving rise to substantial barriers to enrolling people in health insurance coverage.A Mission to Improve Health: The Story of Missouri's Expanding Coverage Initiative takes a retrospective look at the ECI, which ended in 2018. This report offers lessons to inform future work of Missouri Foundation for Health, as well as Cover Missouri Coalition partners, other funders, and those working to advance broader health care access.
This GrantCraft case study, developed for Candid's scholarshipsforchange.org portal, explores how Kauffman Foundation implemented the Kauffman Scholars program to increase college completion for students in Kansas City, Missouri. It includes the perspective on how the foundation transitioned its strategy and included an emphasis on career-readiness and family support to help students persist through challenges and reach their goals.
As the nation marks five years since the police killing of teenager Mike Brown and the series of protests known as the Ferguson Uprisings, a group of residents in Ferguson, MO, have been working locally since 2014 to take back their power. They refer to themselves as the Ferguson Collaborative and we are proud to shine a spotlight on our grassroots partner in our new report, "The Genius of Ordinary People: How the Ferguson Collaborative Became the Voice of the Community."The report, the first from our Justice Project program, examines how a group of Ferguson community members became activists, changing the City's unconstitutional policing and criminal legal system practices. This group of residents and allies have spent the last five years putting the pressure on local and federal policymakers and courts, ousting a court-appointed official, rallying for the dismissal of thousands of municipal court cases and positioning themselves in powerful seats – including the Ferguson City Council.
Robina Institute of Criminal Law and Criminal Justice;
In Missouri, sentences imposed are for a definite term of years, and parole eligibility begins after a percentage of the term has been served. Sentencing judges use the Missouri Advisory Recommended Sentences, which the Missouri Sentencing Advisory Commission promulgated in 2004, as advisory guidelines. The state's parole board worked with the Commission to produce parole guidelines in March 2006. Missouri's Commission currently studies and reports on sentencing in the state, but no longer has authority to write specific sentencing recommendations.The Commission publishes a User Guide related to the Recommended Sentences each year that contains any legislative updates and includes information about sentencing and parole.
Violence Policy Center;
This study examines the problem of black homicide victimization at the state level by analyzing unpublished Supplementary Homicide Report (SHR) data for black homicide victimization submitted to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). The information used for this report is for the year 2017. This is the first analysis of the 2017 data on black homicide victims to offer breakdowns of cases in the 10 states with the highest black homicide victimization rates and the first to rank the states by the rate of black homicide victims.It is important to note that the SHR data used in this report comes from law enforcement reporting at the local level. While there are coding guidelines followed by the law enforcement agencies, the amount of information submitted to the SHR system, and the interpretation that results in the information submitted (for example, gang involvement) will vary from agency to agency. This study is limited by the quantity and degree of detail in the information submitted.
Data Collaborative for Justice at John Jay College;
This paper, which is a product of DCJ's Research Network on Misdemeanor Justice ("the Research Network"), examines long-term trends in lower-level enforcement across seven U.S. jurisdictions: Durham, NC; Los Angeles, CA; Louisville, KY; New York City, NY; Prince George's County; MD; Seattle, WA; and St. Louis, MO. It draws both on reports that were produced through partnerships between local researchers and criminal justice agency partners as well as updated data the Research Network has published through an interactive online dashboard. The paper analyzed cross-jurisdictional trends in enforcement, including misdemeanor arrest rates broadly, by demographics (race/age/sex), and by charge.
National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy;
In light of the national uprising sparked by the murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor (and building on other recent tragic movement moments going back to the 2014 murder of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri), NCRP is analyzing grantmaking by community foundations across the country to find out exactly how much they are – or are not – investing in Black communities.We started by looking at the latest available grantmaking data (2016-2018) of 25 community foundations (CFs) – from Los Angeles to New Orleans to New York City to St. Paul. These foundations represent a cross section of some of the country's largest community foundations as well as foundations in communities where NCRP has Black-led nonprofit allies.
Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation;
At the Kauffman Foundation, learning and continuous improvement are core values that drive our work. Over the past year, associates, alongside grantees and other partners, developed new insights and lessons that can be applied to increase our impact moving forward. The Annual Learning Report summarizes four key themes from grant reports, external evaluations, and staff presentations to the Board of Trustees in 2018.
Center for Gun Policy and Research at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health;
There is a major flaw in federal firearm laws in the U.S. and in most states' laws; prohibited purchasers can acquire firearms from unlicensed private sellers without subjecting themselves to background checks and record-keeping requirements. Violent criminals and traffickers exploit this weakness with fatal consequences. This report discusses the need to improve background checks and handgun purchaser licensing laws which would result in reduced gun deaths.
Feeding America (formerly America's Second Harvest);
This report presents information on the clients and agencies in the state of Missouri. The information is drawn from a national study, Hunger in America 2010, conducted in 2009 for Feeding America (FA) (formerly America's Second Harvest), the nation's largest organization of emergency food providers. The national study is based on completed in-person interviews with more than 62,000 clients served by the FA national network, as well as on completed questionnaires from more than 37,000 FA agencies. The study summarized below focuses on emergency food providers and their clients who are supplied with food by food banks in the FA network. Key Findings:The FA system in Missouri provides emergency food for an estimated 728,400 different people annually.39% of the members of client households in Missouri are children under 18 years old (Table 5.3.2). 42% of client households include at least one employed adult (Table 5.7.1). Among client households with children, 76% are food insecure and 33% are food insecure with very low food security (Table 126.96.36.199). 48% of clients in Missouri report having to choose between paying for food and paying for utilities or heating fuel (Table 6.5.1).37% had to choose between paying for food and paying for medicine or medical care (Table 6.5.1).34% of client households in Missouri report having at least one household member in poor health (Table 8.1.1) At the administration of this survey, 6 food banks or FROs affiliated with FA operated in Missouri. Of the agencies that were served by those organizations, 1,058 agencies that had their operation within the state responded to the agency survey. Of the responding agencies, 782 had at least one food pantry, soup kitchen, or shelter.67% of pantries, 51% of kitchens, and 41% of shelters are run by faith-based agencies affiliated with churches, mosques, synagogues, and other religious organizations (Table 10.6.1). Among programs that existed in 2006, 83% of pantries, 73% of kitchens, and 69% of shelters in Missouri reported that there had been an increase since 2006 in the number of clients who come to their emergency food program sites (Table 10.8.1).Food banks are by far the single most important source of food for agencies with emergency food providers, accounting for 69% of the food distributed by pantries, 40% of the food distributed by kitchens, and 41% of the food distributed by shelters (Table 13.1.1).As many as 93% of pantries, 83% of kitchens, and 80% of shelters in Missouri use volunteers (Table 13.2.1).
Annie E. Casey Foundation;
Describes a promising alternative to corrections institutions focused on smaller group homes, camps, and treatment facilities; relationships and direct supervision; and intensive youth development provided by specialists. Compares several states' data.